Nationalism and regionalism in a colonial context : Minahasa in the Dutch East Indies

Abstract

The "regional nationalisms" of early twentieth century Indonesia are often portrayed either as mere components of the Indonesian nationalist movement or as expressions of "primordial" ethnic sentiments. Minahasa, however, displayed a local nationalism which was neither. Minahasan nationalism was an autonomous development conditioned by many of the same modernising processes which generated its Indonesian counterpart, but operating on a smaller scale, and beginning at an earlier date. The territorial framework for Minahasan nationalism was created in the seventeenth century, when an area in North Celebes was isolated by colonial boundaries from its political and cultural environment. In the nineteenth century, the population of this territory underwent a dramatic social transformation as a result of intensified Dutch rule, compulsory coffee cultivation, Christian missionary activity, and Western education. It was in this period that Minahasa, meaning united, became the usual name for the area. Unity was implicit in the commonality of the colonial experience, and inherent in the centralised institutions created in the territory by the Dutch. The mission also promoted unity as an explicit social ideal, associating it both with Christian brotherhood and with an idealisation of Minahasa's precolonial past. Cultural Westernisation, together with intermarriage between Minahasans and Europeans, created a 'mestizo' society more reminiscent of the Philippines than of most parts of the Netherlands Indies. As in the Philippines, however, nationalist reaction against colonial policies and prejudices also began comparatively early. Before the turn of the century, Minahasan government and church personnel were already using the colonial press to denounce the behaviour of their European superiors, and doing so in the name of the Minahasan people. This tradition of protest was continued after 1909 by the political party Perserikatan Minahasa. The relationship between Minahasan nationalists and the colonial government, however, was usually characterised by bargaining and negotiation rather than confrontation. One reason for this was that 'loyal opposition' often proved effective. The Minahasaraad, a uniquely democratic regional council created in 1919, demonstrated the feasibility of progressive emancipation under Dutch guidance. Another reason was that Minahasans had become a subaltern elite of office workers and soldiers throughout the Netherlands Indies, with a corresponding stake in the colonial order. Even so, neither Perserikatan Minahasa nor its successor Persatuan Minahasa regarded colonial rule as desirable or permanent. The relationship between Minahasan and Indonesian nationalisms was complex. Few educated Minahasans, by 1942, denied that they were Indonesians or that their political future lay with Indonesia as a whole. On the other hand, the specifically Minahasan nationalism inherited from the previous century also remained strong. Factors sustaining it included the Minahasaraad, the Minahasan churches which appeared in 1933 and 1934, and the Minahasan experience as a sometimes unpopular minority among Indonesians. Minahasan intellectuals therefore tended to envisage an independent Indonesian commonwealth in which each ethno-national group or bangsa, including bangsa Minahasa, would retain political autonomy within a federal framework.