Hollow words : Guomindang propaganda and the formation of popular attitudes toward the National Revolution in Guangdong Province, 1919 to 1926
Abstract
The idea that political education can alert people to some common good is by no
means unique to early twentieth century China, but events there around the time of the New Culture and May Fourth Movements did conspire to give it a particular
prominence. The success of publicity campaigns and popular protests in 1919
seems to have confirmed for radical intellectuals a long-held assumption that
political education, or propaganda, could, if conducted on a sufficiently massive
scale, influence the entire people's thinking and behaviour and perhaps
even prompt a popular national revolution. It appeared to these activists that
the indifference and ignorance of the common people were partly responsible for
the continued presence of foreign gunboats and local despots, and hence that
only when popular ignorance had been dispelled could there by any hope of a
reprieve. Yet by 1926, after an interval of only seven years, this idea had
lost much of its earlier credibility: experience had shown that peoples' attitudes were linked very closely to their regional interests and social and
economic status, and were all but impervious to change through political
education. In this thesis, I have tried to explain how one contemporary political
party, the Guomindang, came to think of itself as capable of launching a
popular national revolution with the assistance of mass political education, and
why it failed in the actual attempt. In the first chapter, I have examined the premise from which the party
derived its optimistic view of propaganda, viz. that ,the people could be
'awoken' to their plight by political education. This examination follows two
lines of inquiry, the first outlining the premise itself and tracing the source
of its appea1, and the second contrasting the party's pronouncements on propaganda
against its behaviour. From this base, I have, in the second and third
chapters, attempted to measure the gap between the party's professed commitment
to 'awakening' the people and its preference in fact for political negotiation
and mercenary military activity. The fourth and fifth chapters take the form
of an inquiry into the organization and nature of Guomindang propaganda in the
period following the party's First National Congress of 1924. Two major developments
are identified between 1924 and 1926: the centralization and coordination
of propaganda, and the transformation of propaganda from a medium of
instruction by outsiders to a medium for articulating local concerns and so
bringing them to the attention of those outsiders. This section concludes with a discussion of an emerging materialist view of popular consciousness among
party propagandists, and an assessment of the place of Mao Zedong in Guomindang
history. In the sixth and seventh chapters, the party's expansion throughout
Guangdong is traced along the trail of the Eastern and Southern Expeditions,
and an assessment of civilian responses to the national revolution is made in
terms of regional and class differences, with particular reference to the
party's taxation policies at the time of the Northern Expedition.
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