Discourse and Pragmatic Functions of the Dalabon 'Ergative' Case-marker*
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Luk, Ellison
Ponsonnet, Maïa
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Taylor & Francis Group
Abstract
This article discusses the distribution and function of a suffix that has been labelled
‘ergative’ in the literature on Dalabon, a Gunwinyguan (non-Pama-Nyungan)
language of south-western Arnhem Land. Our first-hand data reveal that although
this marker (-yih) more frequently occurs on A arguments of multivalent clauses, it
also appears with significant frequency on S arguments of monovalent clauses,
particularly with the verb root yin ‘to say, to think, to do’. We explain this noncanonical distribution with a co-dependent analysis of its discourse and pragmatic
functions, summarized by the principle ‘mark out the unexpected referent’, following
McGregor’s Expected Actor Principle. These functions differ slightly according to
clause type. For both types, the marker has a discourse function of ‘mark out the
non-topical referent’: either an A argument that sufficiently threatens the construal of
local topics, or an S referent after a long period of deferred topichood (particularly
speaker referents). The marker also has a correlating pragmatic function of ‘mark out
the contrary referent’: either an A participant acting against the motivations and
expectations of other (topical) referents (or of the speaker), or an S participant with
an unusual stance or speech content.
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Australian Journal of Linguistics
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Restricted until
2099-12-31
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