Not the way it really was : constructing the Tolai past
Abstract
This study is an attempt to write a history of the colonial past of the Tolai in East New
Britain, Papua New Guinea. The history consists of seven parts, each of them dealing
with a particular theme or episode: the Toma killings in 1902 (chapter 1). prophecies of
the arrival of the white people (chapter 3), the coming of the mission (chapter 5), the
life history of Abaram ToBobo of Vunabalbal (chapter 7), early political organisation
among Tolai men on Matupit and around Vunamami from the 1930s (chapter 9),
images of the 'time of darkness' (chapter 11), and the alienation of Tolai land by
Queen Emma and other planters in the late nineteenth century (chapter 13). The
history uses European documentary sources and Tolai testimonies. The oral traditions
and histories are used both as material to write a history and as elements of that
history. The history draws also on observations made during twenty months of, fieldwork
in Papua New Guinea.
This study also attempts to analyse the way Tolai understand and use their past. In
chapter 8 it is shown how the control of land is dependent on a control of the past. In
chapters 10 and 12 it is demonstrated how customary exchanges guarantee a
continuity between past and present, how customs change, and how customs
become kastom. In chapters 3, 5 and 12, Tolci constructions of the past are compared
with those of Tami and Kotte people. It is argued that a different pattern of colonisation
changes the way people look at their past, and that the making of history has
changed the production of histories. In chapter 6, I argue that academic oral historians need to recognise ora! histories and
traditions as histories in their own right instead of using them only as sources to
establish what really happened. In chapters 2, 4 and 14 some of the subjective
premises of this history are presented when I talk about the history of this study, the
concept and practice of fieldwork, and sketch a philosophy of history that is partly
informed by Tolai constructions of their past. In the last chapter I suggest that the
construction of the Tolai past needs to be a dialogue that is directed at knowing
rather than knowledge.
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