US-proofing the Paris Climate Agreement
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What can be done if a future US President withdraws from the Paris Climate Agreement? This is a critical question for an agreement which relies on universal participation for legitimacy. The US can and likely will ratify the Paris Agreement via a presidential-executive agreement. However, this could be easily reversed by a future President or an antagonistic Congress. A non-party US operating outside of the Paris climate architecture is a real threat, especially given Republican opposition to...[Show more]
dc.contributor.author | Kemp, Luke | |
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dc.date.accessioned | 2021-10-12T02:47:28Z | |
dc.identifier.issn | 1469-3062 | |
dc.identifier.uri | http://hdl.handle.net/1885/250661 | |
dc.description.abstract | What can be done if a future US President withdraws from the Paris Climate Agreement? This is a critical question for an agreement which relies on universal participation for legitimacy. The US can and likely will ratify the Paris Agreement via a presidential-executive agreement. However, this could be easily reversed by a future President or an antagonistic Congress. A non-party US operating outside of the Paris climate architecture is a real threat, especially given Republican opposition to international climate policy. This article explores both what tools are available for addressing a non-party US in any climate agreement and what the Paris Agreement in particular can do. The Paris Agreement is extremely vulnerable to the withdrawal of the US, or any other major party. It possesses no non-party measures, although it can be amended to help avoid this Achilles heel. Through amendments to Article 6 a market link between subnational states in a renegade US and international carbon markets could be created. Ideally, a more semi-global approach with punitive carbon border tax adjustments could be taken to help US-proof an alternative climate agreement. The Paris Agreement will be fatally susceptible to a US dropout unless amendments to the treaty are made. Relying on the good will of a single president is short-sighted. Longer-term climate governance needs to take seriously the threat of non-parties, particularly if they are superpowers | |
dc.format.mimetype | application/pdf | |
dc.language.iso | en_AU | |
dc.publisher | Elsevier | |
dc.rights | © 2016 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group | |
dc.source | Climate Policy | |
dc.subject | climate policy frameworks | |
dc.subject | climate regime | |
dc.subject | multi-level governance | |
dc.subject | post-2012 architecture | |
dc.subject | UNFCCC | |
dc.subject | United States | |
dc.title | US-proofing the Paris Climate Agreement | |
dc.type | Journal article | |
local.description.notes | Imported from ARIES | |
local.identifier.citationvolume | 17 | |
dc.date.issued | 2017 | |
local.identifier.absfor | 160600 - POLITICAL SCIENCE | |
local.identifier.ariespublication | U3488905xPUB19135 | |
local.publisher.url | http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/default.asp | |
local.type.status | Published Version | |
local.contributor.affiliation | Kemp, Luke, College of Science, ANU | |
local.description.embargo | 2099-12-31 | |
local.bibliographicCitation.issue | 1 | |
local.bibliographicCitation.startpage | 86 | |
local.bibliographicCitation.lastpage | 101 | |
local.identifier.doi | 10.1080/14693062.2016.1176007 | |
local.identifier.absseo | 960000 - ENVIRONMENT | |
dc.date.updated | 2020-11-23T11:26:07Z | |
local.identifier.scopusID | 2-s2.0-84969180629 | |
local.identifier.thomsonID | 000387996200008 | |
Collections | ANU Research Publications |
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