Cao Cao lecture footnotes

[*] The notes presented below aredesigned for two purposes: firstly, to identify Chinese texts which have beenspecifically quoted or cited; second, to offer a first reference, in my ownworks or those of other scholars, to justify particular statements. In a formatsuch as this, it is hardly appropriate to provide a complete set of citationsnor a full bibliography, and I make no attempt to do so.

[1] See, for example, Patricia Ebrey, "The Economic andSocial History of Later Han", in John K. Fairbank and Denis Twitchett [generaleditors], The Cambridge History of China, Volume I [edited by DenisTwitchett and Michael Loewe], The Ch'in and Han Empires, Cambridge UP1986 [hereafter Cambridge China I], 619-626. Cho-yun Hsu, HanAgriculture: The Formation of Early Chinese Agrarian Economy, University ofWashington, Seattle 1980, 210-211, cites several instances of officials beingpunished by Emperor Guangwu for presenting false or inadequate returns but, asHans Bielenstein, The Restoration of the Han Dynasty [RHD] 4, inBulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities [BMFEA] LI,136-137, and Ch'ü T'ung-tsu, Han Social Structure, University ofWashington, Seattle 1980, 203-204, observe, there is evidence that corruptioncontinued, and the government of Later Han made no effective effort to controlthe amount of landed property held by any one family.

[2] See de Crespigny, Northern Frontier, Canberra1984, 89-91, 125, 264-276, and 417-437. Cf. Bielenstein, RHD 3 inBMFEA XXXIX, 129-130, and Yü Ying-shih, "Han Foreign Relations", inCambridge China I, 402-403 and 415-416.

[3] See, for example, de Crespigny, Emperor Huan andEmperor Ling I, 11-13. On the status of consort families in Later Han, seeCh'ü, Han Social Structure, 210-211, and de Crespigny, "PoliticalProtest in Imperial China: the Great Proscription of Later Han, 167-184", inPapers on Far Eastern History 11, Canberra 1975, 1-36, at 4-5 note 1:cf. Yang Lien-sheng, Dong Han de haozu, in The Tsing HuaJournal 11 (1936), 1007-63, translated as "Landed Nobility of the EasternHan Dynasty" in E-tu Zen Sun and John DeFrancis, Chinese Social History:Translations of Selected Studies, Washington 1956, 103-134, at 1042/122,and Etienne Balazs, "La crise sociale et la philosophie politique à lafin des Han", in T'oung Pao XXXIX (1949-50), 83-131, translated by H.M.Wright, Chinese Civilization and Bureaucracy: Variations on a Theme,Yale UP 1964, 187-225 at 84/188-189.

[4] de Crespigny, "Political Protest in Imperial China", andEmperor Huan and Emperor Ling I, 69-85 and 101.

[5] On this development, see de Crespigny, "Politics andPhilosophy under the Government of Emperor Huan 159-168 AD", in T'oungPao LXVI (1980), 41-83 at 51-56: "Good men do nothing".

[6] Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, Beijing (Zhonghua shuju) 1965[HHS] 78/68, 2521-22.

[7] HHS 31/21, 1107-09; de Crespigny, Emperor Huanand Emperor Ling I, 127-128.

[8] Cui Shi, Simin yueling, C.7 and I.1,translated in Hsu, Han Agriculture, 220 and 225.

[9] Some scholars have sought to demonstrate an associationbetween the gentry members of the Proscribed Party and the rebels of the YellowTurbans. From my own reading of the texts, however, I have so far found theevidence for such a proposition to be tenuous, and the arguments less thanconvincing.

[10] The campaign is discussed in de Crespigny, Generalsof the South: the foundation and early history of the Three Kingdoms state ofWu, Canberra 1990, 263-275.

[11] This colonisation is discussed in de Crespigny,Generals of the South, particularly at 68-69 and 475-478.

[12] Based on Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, Beijing(Zhonghua shuju) 1959 [SGZ] 55/Wu 10, 1291; de Crespigny, Generals ofthe South, 240.

[13] SGZ 55/Wu 10, 1292, commentary of Pei Songzhiquoting the Wu shu of Wei Zhao and others; de Crespigny, Generals ofthe South, 517.

[14] SGZ 55/Wu 10, 1300; de Crespigny, Generals ofthe South, 518-519.

[15] SGZ 56/Wu 11, 1314; Achilles Fang, The Chronicle of the ThreeKingdoms, Harvard UP 1952, I, 551-553.

[16] SGZ 19, 558, commentary of Pei Songzhi quoting the Wei ji of YinDan.

[17] See, for example, Bielenstein, "An Interpretation ofthe Portents in the Ts'ien Han-shu", in BMFEA XXII (1950), 127-143,Wolfgang Eberhard, "The Political Function of Astronomy and Astronomers in HanChina", in Chinese Thought and Institutions, edited by John K. Fairbank,Chicago UP 1957, 33-70, de Crespigny, "Politics and Philosophy", 61-68, andPortents of Protest in the Later Han Dynasty: the memorials of Hsiang K'aito Emperor Huan, Canberra 1976.

[18] Denglou fu, in Wen xuan 11, translated byBurton Watson, Chinese Rhyme-Prose, Columbia UP 1971, 52-60.

[19] From edicts quoted in the Pei Songzhi commentary toSGZ 1, 24 and 32, also 44 and 49-50.

[20] See, for example, Etienne Balazs, "Entre révoltenihiliste et evasion mystique. Les courants intellectuels en Chine auIII^e siècle de notre ère," in Etudes asiatiques2 (1948), 27-55, translated in Chinese Civilization and Bureaucracy,226-254, and "Paul Demiéville, "Philosophy and Religion from Han toSui", in Cambridge China I, 828-832.

[21] In this dichotomy, one may find echoes of the contrastproposed by Loewe between "Modernists" and "Reformists" during Qin and FormerHan. See the Introduction to his Crisis and Conflict in Han China,London 1974, 11-13, and Cambridge China I, 104-105 and 488-489.

[22] HHS 68/58, 2234. [Cf. the version givenby the Yitong zazhi of Sun Sheng, quoted in the Pei Songzhi commentaryto SGZ 1, 3].

[23] From Bu chu Xiamen xing, in Wei Wudi WeiWendi shi zhu [Poems by Cao Cao and Cao Pi; with commentary by Huang Jie],Beijing 1958, 26-29; de Crespigny, Northern Frontier, 414.

author: Greg Young
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updated: 28 Oct 1997